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Full text of "...Peace or war. The Democratic position illustrated by Frank P. Blair, jr. Speeches of Senators Morton of Indiana, Stewart and Nye of Nevada, delivered in the United States Senate ... July 9th and 10th, 1868, on the bill offered by Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, to regulate the counting of the electoral vote"

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PabUihM  by  th«  Onion  Repnblicaa  CoMTM»ioBal  Oomaittec,  Waabiastoa,  D.  0 


PEACE    OR    WAR. 


HE  DEMOCRATIC  POSITION  ILLUSTRATED   BY 
FRANK  P.  BLAIR,  Jr. 


Speeches  of  Senators  Morton  of  Indiana,  Stewart  and  Nye  of  Nevada, 

)cliver€d  in  the  United  Slates  Senate,  Thursday/  and  Friday,  July  Oih  and  10th,  1868,  on 
the  bill  ofered  by  Sexatob  Edmunds,  of  Vermont,  to  regulate  the  counting  of  the  hlec- 
(oral  vote. 


^f r.  MORTON,  said : 

Mr.  President  ;  I  do  not  rise  so  much  to 
iscuss  tke  merits  of  these  several  proposi- 
ioiis  as  to  say  that  I  shall  vote  for  that  of- 
ered by  the  8cnator  from  Vermont,  [Mr. 
Cdmcnds,]  believing  that  it  is  more  specitic 
,nd  direct  than  the  other  two  ;  but  perhaps 
,ny  one  of  them  would  answer  the  purpose. 

1  desire,  however,  to  say  one  word  in  re- 
gard to  the  importance  of  this  measure.  We 
lavc  been  noting  the  proceedings  of  a  con- 
tention held  in  the  city  of  New  I'ork,  which 
las  but  just  adjourned.  I  have  read  the  res- 
)lulions  adopted  by  that  convention,  the  plat- 
brm  of  principles  it  has  laid  down,  and 
ipon  which  its  candidates  have  been  placed  ; 
ind  I  wish  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Sen- 
ite  to  the  issue  that  is  i>resented  to  the  coun- 
ry  by  this  platform  and  by  the  character  of 
hese"  candidates. 

General  Grant,  in  his  letter  of  acceptance, 
;aid.  "  Let  us  have  peace;"  but  the  Demo- 
::ratic  party  by  their  Convention  in  New 
York  have  said,  "  Let  us  have  war  ;  there 
shall  be  no  peace-"  They  have  declared  in 
substance,  I  might  say  perhaps,  in  direct 
terms,  that  the  reconstruction  of  these  States 
under  the  several  acts  of  Congress  shall  not 
be  permitted  to  stand,  but  shall  be  over- 
turned by  military  force  if  they  get  the  power. 
Thoy  have  announced  that  there  shall  be  no 
peacoin  this  country  ;  that  there  shall  be  no 
settlement  of  our  troubles  except  upon  the 
condition  of  the  triumph  of  those  who  have 
been  in  rebellion.  This  platform  and  these 
nominations  are  a  declaration  of  renewal  of 
the  rebellion.  Let  me  call  your  attention  to 
a  ^lart  of  the  eighth  resolution  in  regard  to 
this  very  question.  In  speaking  of  the  re- 
construction of  the  States,  they  go  on  to  say 
4hat  the  power  to  regulate  suffrage  exists  with 
■"each  State,"  making  no  difference  between 


loyal  States  that  have  been  at  peace  and 
States  that  have   been   in   rebellion,  putting 
them  all  upon  the  same  footing  : 
"  And  thiit  anj  attempt  by  CoBgresa  on   any  pretext 

whatever — " 

That  is,  upon  the  "pretext"  of  the  rebel- 
lion, if  you  please — 

"to  dnprivo  the  State  of  this  rij^ht,  or  interfi-ro  with  its 
exercise,  ih  ii  flivRrniit  UHUrpntion  of  power  which  can 
find  no  warrant  in  the  Constitution  ;  und,  if  sanctioned 
by  tho  people,  will  Hubvert  our  form  of  GoTernment." 

Mr.  HOWARD.     Read  the  rest  of  it. 

Mr.  MORTON.  Yes,  sir,  I  will  read  the 
balance  of  it: 

"Andean  only  Olid  in  a  einglo  centralized  und  con- 
solidated Uovornnient,  in  which  the  eeparato  exist- 
ence of  tho  States  will  bo  entirely  absorbed,  and  aa 
miqualifiod  despotism  bo  established  in  place  of  a  Fed- 
eral Union  of  coequal  States,  and  that  wo  regard  the 
reconstruction  acts  (so-called)  of  Congress,  aa  such 
usurpations,  and  unconstitutional,  revolutionary,  and 
void." 

This  convention  has  called  upon  the  rebels 
of  the  South  to  regard  these  governments 
organized  by  authority  of  acts  of  Con;^res3 
by'^thc  people  of  those  States  as  usurpations, 
unconstitutional , and  void,  and  has  thereby  in- 
vited them  again  to  insurrection  and  rebellion. 
That  is  what  that  resolution  means,  lliere 
is  whore  the  Democratic  party  has  placed 
itself  and  its  candidate,  that  there  shall  be 
no  acquiescence  in  the  action  of  Congress, 
but  that  continued  resistance  is  and  shall  be 
their  policy.  They  have  replied  to  General 
Grant  by  saying,  "There  shall  be  no  peace, 
but  the  war  "shall  be  renewed."  There  can 
be  no  other  policy  for  that  party  unless  it  ac- 
quiesces; If  it  docs  not  accept  these  recon- 
struction acts  there  can  be  no  policy  but  that 
of  resistance  and  a  renewal  of  the  war. — 
They  declare  these  reconstruction  acts  to  be 
unconstitutional  and  void.  Being  void,  no- 
body is  bound  to  regard  them ;  they  have  no 
authority  over  any  one  to  coerce  or  to  pun- 


ish,  and  may  be  resisted  by  any  one  with 
impunity.  That  is  not  the  language  of  this 
resolution,  but  it  is  the  substance  aijjl  the 
n:ieaning  of  it ;  and  in  consequence  of  this 
it  received  the  indorsement  and  the  appro- 
bation of  the  hundreds  of  rebels  who  were 
in  that  Convention  from  the  South,  men  who 
organized  the  rebel  government  and  organ- 
ized and  led  the  rebel  armies  in  battle.  This, 
then,  is  the  issue,  a  continuance  of  the  war; 
a  renewal  of  the  rebellion;  because  it  is 
^either  that,  or  it  is  submission  and  acquies- 
cence to  what  has  been  done. 

But,  Mr.  President,  we  are  not  left  to 
grope  for  the  meaning  of  this  convention  ; 
we  are  not  left  even  to  seek  for  it  by  infer- 
ence. We  have  a  letter  of  General  Francis 
P.  Blair,  written,  I  believe,  less  than  one 
week  ago,  and  this  letter  has  been  indorsed 
by  that  Convention  this  afternoon  by  his 
nomination  as  their  candidate  for  the  Vice 
Presidency.  At  least  I  am  informed  that 
he  has  been  nominated. 

Mr.  POMEROY.  Let  us  have  the  letter 
read.     I  want  to  hear  it. 

Mr.  MORTON.  It  is  as  much  a  part  of 
this  platform  as  if  it  was  incorporated  in  it, 
for  the  ink  was  hai-dly  dry  before  it  was  in- 
dorsed by  his  nomination,  I  ask  the  Socre- 
Uiry  to  read  the  letter. 

The  Chief  Clerk  read  as  follows: 

WAsnixoTON,  June  30,  ISGS. 

Dkah  Colonel:  Iu  reply  to  your  iuquiries  I  be};  Icavo 
lo  gay  that  I  leave  to  you  to  determine,  on  consultation 
with  my  IViends  from  Missouri,  whether  my  name  shall 
bo  presented  to  the  Democratic  convention,  and  to  biih- 
niit  the  following,  as  what  1  consider  the  real  and  only 
issue  iu  this  contest : 

The  reconstruction  policy  of  tho  Radicals  will  bo  com- 
plete before  tho  next  election  ;  the  States  so  long  ex- 
eluded  will  have  been  admitted;  negro  suffrage  estab- 
lished and  the  carpetbaggers  installed  in  their  seats  in 
both  branches  of  Congress.  There  is  no  jJOssibility  of 
changing  tho  political  character  of  the  Senate,  even  if 
the  DemocratB  should  elect  their  President  and  a  major- 
ity of  the  popular  branch  of  Congress.  Wo  cannot, 
therefore,  undo  tho  Radical  plan  of  reconstruction  by 
congressional  action;  the  i^enatu  will  continue  a  bar  lo 
its  repeal.  Must  we  submit  to  it  ?  llow  can  it  bo  over- 
thrown? It  can  ou'y  bo  overthrown  by  tho  autliority 
of  tho  Executive  who  is  sworn  to  maintain  the  Consti- 
tution, and  who  will  fail  to  do  his  duty  if  he  allows  the 
Constitution  to  perish  under  a  series  of  congressional 
enactments  which  aro  iu  palpable  violation  of  its  fund- 
amental principles. 

If  the  I'resident  elected  by  the  Democracy  enforces 
or  permits  others  to  enforce  the^e  reconstruction 
acts,  the  Radicals  by  tho  accession  of  twenty  spurious 
Senators  niul  (illy "Representatives  will  control  both 
branches  of  Congress,  aud  his  administration  will  be  as 
powerless  as  the  present  ono  of  Mr.  Johnson. 

There  is  but  ono  way  to  restore  tho  Government  and 
theCoustitutiou,and  that  is  for  the  President-elect  to 
declare  the.-,o  acts  null  and  void,  compel  tho  Army  to 
undo  its  usurpations  at  tho  South,  disperse  tho  carpet- 
bag SUito  govertiUieuts,  allow  tho  white  people  to  reor- 
ganize their  own  governments,  and  elect  Senators  and 
Rcpresent.itives.  Tho  House  of  Representatives  will 
contain  a  majority  of  Democrats  from  tho  North,  and 
they  wiil  admit  tho  Representatives  elected  by  the 
white  people  of  the  South,  and  with  the  co-operation  of 
tlio  President  it  will  not  bo  difTicult  to  compel  the  Sen- 
ate to  submit  once  more  to  tho  obligations  of  the  Cou- 
Btitatiou.    It  will  not  be  able  to  withstand  the  public 


judgment,  if  distinctly  invoked  and  cloorly  expressed 
on  this  fundamental  issue,  und  it  is  tho  sure  way' to 
avoid  all  future  strife  to  put  the  issue  plainly  to  the 
country.  ' 

I  repeat  that  this  is  the  real  and  onlv  question  which 
wo  should  allow  to  control  us;  shall  wo  submit  to  the 
usmpations  by  which  tho  Government  ha.s  been  over- 
thrown, or  shall  we  exert  ourselves  for  its  lull  and  com- 
plete restoration?  It  is  idle  to  talk  of  bonds,  green- 
backs, gold,  tho  public  faith,  and  the  public  credit. 
What  can  u  Democratic  President  do  in  re;;ard  to  any 
of  these  with  a  Congress  in  both  branches  controlled 
by  tho  carpet-baggers  and  their  allies ?  He  will  be 
powerlesj  to  stop  the  supplies  by  which  idle  negroes 
are  organized  into  political  clubs— by  which  an  army 
is  maintiiined  to  protect  these  vagabonds  in  their  out- 
rages upon  the  ballot.  These,  and  things  like  these,  eat 
uj)  the  revenues  and  resources  of  the  Government  and 
do.-.troy  its  credit — make  the  difference  between  gold 
and  greeobacks.  We  must  restore  tho  Constituiion  be- 
fore we  ran  restore  the  finances,  and  to  do  this  we  must 
have  u  President  who  will  e.xecuto  tho  will  of  the  peo- 
ple by  trampling  into  dust  tho  usurpations  of  Congress 
known  as  tho  reconstruction  acts.  I  wish  tostand  before 
the  convention  upon  this  issue,  but  it  is  one  which  em- 
braces everything  else  that  is  of  value  in  its  large  and 
comprehensive  results.  It  is  theone  thing  that  includes 
all  tliat  is  worth  a  contest,  and  without  it  there  is  noth- 
ing that  gives  dignity,  honor,  or  value  to  the  struggle. 

Your  friend,  FRANK  P.  BLAZE. 

Colonel  James  0.  Broadheab. 

i\rr.  MORTON.  Mr.  President,  Uat  is 
the  Democratic  platform.  General  Blair, 
whatever  you  may  say  of  him,  is  a  bold,  out- 
spoken man,  and  he  spoke  tl4e  sentiment  of 
that  Convention.  He  says,  "  U'])on  these 
sentiments  I  want  to  stand  before  the  Con- 
vention ;"  and  upon  those  sentiments  he  was 
nominated.  Therefore,  I  say  that  the  lan- 
gua";eof  the  Democratic  Convention  at  New 
York  to  the  wholecountry  is  war  ;  resistance 
by  force  of  arms  to  Congressional  legislation: 
the  overthrow  by  force  of  arms  of  the  govern- 
ments that  have  been  erected  in  the  rebel 
States  under  the  laws  enacted  by  Congress  ; 
the  continuance  of  this  rebellion  ;  continu- 
ance of  this  struggle  in  a  somewhat  different 
form,  but  still  the  same  struggle,  contending 
for  the  same  principles.  It  is  now  announced 
formally,  not  at  Montgomery,  not  at  Rich- 
mond, but  at  New  Y^ork.  The  country  need 
not  be  at  any  loss  to  understand  the  charac- 
ter of  the  contest  upon  which  m'c  are  enter- 
ing. It  is  not  one  of  peace  and  acquies- 
cence, of  consolidation  whereby  the  ravages 
of  war  may  be  repaired  ;  but  it  is  a  new  de- 
claration of  war;  a  new  announcement  of 
the  rebellion  under  somewhat  different  cir- 
cumstances, but  under  circumstances  formid- 
able, dangerous,  and  solumn.  Let  the  coun- 
try look  tho  struggle  in  the  face. 

General  Blair  has  said  truly  that  all  that  is 
said  about  greenbacks  and  bonds  and  ques- 
tions of  finance  is  mere  nonsense.  The  great 
issue  is  the  question  of  overturning  the  new 
State  governments  by  force,  the  restoration 
of  the  power  of  the  rebels,  or  as  they  call  it 
the  white  men's  government  in  those  States. 
and  all  the  rest  is  leather  and  prunnella. 
We  owe  a  debt  of  gratitude  to  General  Blair 
for  hi.s  frankness.     There  need  be  no  dcccp- 


Eix-cnanK® 
WoBt.Bee.Biirt.Boo. 


tion  pnicticcd  now,  and  there  can  bo  none. 
It'  Scyinour  shall  be  elected  upon  that  plat- 
form he  stands  pledged  to  use  the  army  of 
the  United  SUtos  tor  the  purpose  of  over- 
turning the  governmontu  that  have  been  oh- 
tablishod  in  the  South  by  the  voice  of  the 
whole  people,  and  by  that  army  to  place  the 
power  back  again  into  the  hands  of  the  rebels. 
They  were  there  with  him  in  that  Conven- 
tion. They  have  given  to  him  their  counsel. 
They  have  "indorsed  Mr.  Seymour,  and  the 
Convention  and  all  havo  indorsed  General 
Francis  P.  Blair. 

1  know  that  we  shall  be  told  in  the  North- 
west thai  th.-y  intend  to  have  the  same  cur- 
rency far  the  Government  and  the  people, 
for  the  bondholder  and  the  laborer.  They 
will  proclaim  ta::ation  of  the  bonds,  as  the 
groat  if:suo  upon  which  they  expect  to  gel 
votes ;  but  that  will  be  a  deception.  The 
"real  I.^sue  underlying;  the  whole  contest— 
and  we  have  the  solemn  declaration  of  their 
candidate  for  Vice  President  to  that  elToct — 
will  be  the  renewal  of  the  war  to  overturn 
the  State  governments  that  have  just  been  es- 
tablished under  the  acts  of  Congress.  Gen- 
eral Blair  has  retieved  the  Republican  party 
of  a  groat  deal  of  labor.  IIo  has  unmasked 
the  enemy  with  whom  we  have  to  deal,  and 
he  has  placed  before  the  country  the  very 
issue,  police  or  war. 


SPEECH  OF  SENATOR  STEWART. 

Mr.  President,  I  see  the  embarrassment 
under  which  the  Democratic  party  is  labor- 
ing; and  the  misfortune  that  nas  befallen  it 
to-day  will  no  doubt  embarrass  it  still  more 
hereafter.  1  seethe  embarrassment  that  this 
particular  bill  presents  to  the  members  of 
that  party.  Individuals  of  that  party  say 
they  intend  revolution,  and  Frank  P.  Blair 
sought  to  be  nominated  upon  that  issue- 
lie  avows  his  ]>urpose  of  overturning  seven 
States  of  this  Union  now  entitled  to  repre- 
sentation upon  this  floor.  He  will  do  it  by 
revolution.  He  says  it  cannot  be  done  by 
legislation,  because  the  Senate  is  in  the  way  ; 
it  must  be  done  by  force-  I  have  been  read- 
ing the  platform,  and  I  find  that  it  dodges  the 
question  and  declares  that  the  reconstruction 
measures  are  unconstitutional  and  void. 

The  Democratic  party,  it  appears,  are  un- 
willing to  .say,  in  express  language,  what  they 
intend  to  do  with  a  portion  of  the  States  in 
this  Union,  whether  ihey  intend  again  to  put 
them  out.  The  Domocraiic  patty  once  broke 
up  the  government,^  of  those  Stales  ;  we  have 
partially  restored  them.  None  of  them  have 
come  square  up  to  the  point  except  Mr. 
Frank  Blair.  He  has  come  up  to  it  pretty 
squarely.  I  do  not  understand  the  Senator 
from  Pennsylvania  on  that  issue. 


I  say  this  bill  is  undoubtedly  embarrassing 
to  them,  because  we  tell  thi.'m  exactly  what 
we  intend  to  do:  that  we  intend  that  every 
State  rcstorud  to  representation  in  this 
Union,  that  shall  have  been  reorganized, 
shall  vote  and  participate  in  the  Presidential 
election  ;  that  no  disorganized  rebel  State 
shall  vote  ;  that  all  the  States  represented 
in  Congress  shall  vote.  That  is  the  exact 
rule  which  we  followed  in  1864,  and  for 
which  the  Senator  from  Pennsylvania  him- 
self voted.  Wo  intend  to  take  that  broad, 
honest  ground  in  advance :  and  we  do  not 
fear  the  threats  of  individuals,  or  of  the 
whole  Democratic  party,  tiat  they  will  again 
attempt  to  destroy  this  Government.  We 
want  to  have  it  dielinctly  understood  that 
none  but  legitimate  State  governments  shall 
be  represented  in  Congress  and  the  Electoral 
College,  and  that  they  shall  be  represented  ; 
and  then  we  want  to  see  which  side  of  that 
issue  the  Democratic  party  will  take.  I 
know  that  it  is  embarrassing  to  them  to  ad- 
mit that  the  work  of  reconstruction  is  legal- 
ly, justly,  and  honestly  progreseing,  notwith- 
standing all  the  obstructions  that  the  Execu- 
tive, that  an  organized  band  of  rebels  in  the 
South,  that  the  organized  Democracy,  and 
all  the  elements  that  are  bad  in  this  country 
put  together,  have  been  aide  to  throw  in  the 
way.  Notwithstanding  all  the  obstructions 
of  these  elements  that  arc  attempting  to  de- 
stroy our  country,  the  work  is  progressing — 
the  States  are  being  restored.  We  shall  not 
be  scared  because  the  gentlemen  who  have 
organized  these  governmenks  in  the  South, 
and  have  come  here  backed  up  by  a  loyal 
constituency,  are  denounced  as  "carpet- 
baggers" by  the  rebel  leaders  in  New  York, 
who  treated  as  honored  guests  Forrest  and 
Wade  Hampton.  We  had  to  fight  once  be- 
fore agains^t  the  same  horde  of  men,  many 
of  the  leaders  of  whom  were  in  New  York. 

We  know  that  they  arc  powerful,  but  we 
whipped  them  once.  Let  them  try  again  to 
pull  aowu  the  (Tovernmenl  that  we  build  up. 
Let  them  laugh  at  the  "  carj)et-b.iggers"  as 
much  as  thoy  please-  We  have  seen  all  the 
schemes  they  concocted  vanish  into  thin  air. 
We  know  Seymour.  He  is  not  ready  to  rev- 
olutionize. I  hold  in  my  hand  a  speech  of 
his  made  in  18(53  which  has  enough  sophis- 
try, if  it  had  been  accompanied  by  the  cour- 
age of  a  Hampton  or  a  Forrest,  to  have 
plunged  the  North  into  civil  war-  He  dare 
not  l.iy  his  hand  upon  a  State  tliat  we  reor- 
ganize. Frank  Blair  is  a  braver  man  and 
an  hojiestor  man,  and  he  told  plainly  what 
they  would  like  to  do ;  but  I  tell  you,  sir, 
the  Democracy  dare  not  come  up  and  say 
that  they  will  tear  down  a  single  Stat*?  of 
this  Union.     Thoy  dare  not  go  before   the 


people  on  that  Issue. 
This  is  no  new  doctrlue 


It  has  been  dis- 


cussed  over  and  over  in  this  Hall.  Let  the 
Democracy,  if  they  dare,  go  before  the  coun- 
try saying  that  they  will  tear  down  and  put 
out  of  the  Union  tho  seven  reorganized 
States.  I  should  like  to  have  them  sound 
the  tocsin  of  war  and  see  if  the  American 
people  are  prepared  for  another  revolution. 
What  Frank  Blair  says  means  revolution. 
These  men  cannot  be  turned  from  these 
Halls  except  by  violence ;  these  State  organ- 
izations cannot  be  overthrown  except  by  the 
shedding  of  blood. 

Mr.  HOWARD.  It  cannot  be  done  in 
that  way  either. 

Mr.  STEWART.  It  cannot  be  done  by 
modern  Democracy  in  that  way  :  and  when 
they  dare  announce  any  such  purpose  they 
will  have  fewer  followers  than  they  had  on 
a  former  occasion.  I  have  before  me  their 
platform.  They  are  going  to  pretend  to  the 
ignorant  and  the  vicious  that  this  means  "we 
will  wipe  out  of  existence  every  State  that 
has  been  redeemed,"  and  when  they  meet  a 
man  who  has  a  little  money  and  does  not 
want  to  go  to  war  they  will  say  "  we  are  op- 
posed to  \'iolence  and  willing  to  let  things 
take  their  own  course." 

I  want  to  pass  this  bill  beforehand.  I  d© 
not  want  to  wait  until  after  the  election  has 
taken  place  and  then  pass  a  law  which  they 
will  call  ex  post  facto.  I  want  the  people 
to  know  exactly  what  they  are  voting  on,  and 
who  has  a  right  to  vote,  before  the  election,  so 
as  to  avoid  any  unpleasant  conseq^uences. 
The  people  of  the  United  States  want  no 
more  revolution,  no  more  war.  The  people 
of  the  South  do  not  believe  they  can  subju- 
gate us.  They  do  not  believe  they  can  re- 
verse the  verdict  of  the  war.  They  cannot 
humiliate  the  Union  soldiers  who  sustained 
the  old  flag. 

Now,  what  is  there  in  this  bill?  It  is  sim- 
ply a  declaration  that  the  States  represented 
in  Congress  that  have  been  organized  shall 
vote  in  the  Electoral  College,  and  none 
others.  The  Senator  from  Pennsylvania 
says  that  unless  the  disorganized  vote  the 
organized  shall  not ;  that  unless  you  let  the 
three  disorganized  States  that  have  not  yet 
complied  with  our  terms,  that  are  not  repre- 
sented in  Congress,  vote,  the  represented 
States  shall  not  vote.  What  docs  that  mean  ? 
The  Democratic  party  will  not  let  organized 
States,  States  represented  in  these  Halls, 
vote.  I  will  not  discuss  the  power  of  Con- 
gress, but  I  say  there  is  not  power  enough 
in  the  Democratic  party,  with  the  Executive 
at  their  head,  to  maintain  the  position  that 
they  can  put  one  of  these  States  out  of  the 
Union.  How  are  you  going  to  prevent  one 
of  these  StJites  from  voting?  How  are  you 
going  to  prevent  her  vote  from  being 
counted?  In  no  other  way  than  by  puttin"- 
beroutofthe  Union. 


If  that  is  the  new  declaratron  of  war  we 
arc  to  meet  let  us  know  the  fact  now.  and 
let  us  fight  the  battle  before  the  people  on 
that  issue.  The  necessity  of  this  bill'has  be- 
come apparent  from  this  discussion.  We 
want  to  know  what  are  the  purposes  of  this 
party,  whether  they  mean  revolution  or 
whether  they  mean  peace ;  whether  they 
mean  war  and  rapine  and  plunder  and  over- 
throw of  the  Government,  and  the  preven- 
tion of  the  represented  States  from  voting, 
or  whether  they  mean  to  submit  to  the  law. 
I  think  the  Democratic  party  have  had 
enough  of  war.  I  think  they  have  had 
enough  of  tearing  down  States.  But  perhaps 
the  ovation  which  the  rebel  generals  re- 
ceived in  New  York  has  inspired  them  with 
new  hope,  and  they  think  the  ''little  un- 
pleasantness" did  not  amount  to  much  after 
all.  Perhaps  they  are  prepared  to  join  the 
Northern  Democracy  in  another  eQort  to  put 
States  out  of  the  Union,  and  to  overthrow 
State  organizations  ;  but  I  think  they  will 
hesitate  a  little. 

It  is  well  enough  for  us  to  make  the  declar- 
ation contained  in  this  bill,  so  that  the  peo- 
ple will  know  where  we  staind  ;  but  it  is  not 
to  be  supposed  that  the  Democratic  party 
are  going  to  declare  anything  affirmatively 
on  such  a  question.  After  having  destroyed 
their  best  men  by  the  two-thirds  rule,  and 
having  got  men  that  we  are  accustomed  to, 
that  we  know  all  about,  we  have  no  appre- 
hensions. We  all  know  the  connection  of 
Seymour  with.  New  York  politics  during  the 
war.  We  know  how  he  acted  during  the 
New  York  riots.  We  know  how  his  appeals 
to  his  friends  iu  the  city  of  New  York  af- 
fected the  loyal  masses  oi  the  country.  We 
know  how  we  in  the  West  felt  at  the  obstruc- 
tion of  Seymour  to  the  progress  of  the  war. 
We  know  what  power  he  had  then,  and  we 
believe  that  he  evinced  a  disposition,  if  he 
had  had  the  requisite  courage  to  back  his  dis- 
position, to  plunge  the  whole  country  in  war. 
We  have  seen  him  go  as  far  up  to  the  verge 
of  revolution  as  he  dare  go,  but  he  has  had  a 
little  experience  since  then. 

I  hold  in  my  hands  now  a  speech  of  Hon. 
Horatio  Seymour,  delivered  on  the  4th  or 
July,  18G3,  a  speech  that  I  have  read  on  sev- 
eral occasions.  It  is  a  speech  full  of  fault- 
finding with  the  Government,  putting  ideas 
in  the  minds  of  the  people  to  make  them 
dissatisfied,  complaining  of  your  sectional 
strife  and  your  sectional  war,  calculated  in 
every  way  to  breed  discontent ;  and  this, 
too,  when  the  country  was  in  the  most  im- 
minent peril.  At  that  critical  time,  instead 
of  coming  forward  arxl  vindicating  the  au- 
thority of  the  Government,  we  find  Horatio 
Seymour  filling  the  minds  of  the  people  with 
distrust  and  reverting  to  the  mistakes  of  the 
Government.     With    a   stem   Governor   at 


New  York,  such  a  Governor  as  Indiana  had, 
there  would  have  been  no  New  York  nots. 
With  such  a  Governor  iis  Ohio  had  there- 
would  have  been  no  New  "i'ork  riots.  The 
weight  of  Uiat  great  State,  the  moral  influ- 
ence of  its  Governor  was  thrown  against  the 
cause  of  the  Union  in  such  a  manner  and  at 
sucii  a  time  as  to  prolong  the  war,  I  verily 
believe,  more  than  one  whole  year.  1  hat 
Governor  had  all  his  predictions  falsified, 
for  he  predicted  failure  all  the  time.  After 
having  seen  our  arms  ride  triumphant  over 
ix  thousand  battle-fields;  after  having  seen 
the  rebellion  put  down;  after  having  seen 
the  loyal  Congress  engaged  for  four  years  in 
reconstruction  and  restoration,  ho  is  now 
the  candidate  of  those  opposed  to  the  gal- 
lant leader  of  the  armies  that  saved  the  na- 
tion. That  noble  man  is  at  the  head  of  the 
great  party  who  conducted  the  war.  and  who 
have  been  endeavoring,  against  the  eftbrts 
of  rebels,  Democrats  and  the  Executive,  to 
restore  this  (iovernment.  I  say  that  after 
all  this  Seymour  has  not  the  nerve  to  do 
what  this  platform  intimates  that  the  Demo- 
cracy will  do,  namely,  tear  down  the  States 
ibat  have  been  built  up. 


SPEECH  OF  SENATOR  J.  W.  NYE. 


Mr.  President,  I  care  but  little  whether 
the  amendment  offered  by  the  Senator  from 
New  York  is  adopted  or  not.  It  amounts  to 
about  the  same  thing  as  the  original  proj)©- 
sition.  But  I  am  not  willing  to  let  go  un- 
challenged the  things  that  have  come  from 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Kentucky. — 
While  he  has  been  sneaking  I  have  thought 
whether  there  should  not  be  a  change  in  the 
form  of  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  Kentucky: 
•'  Give  us  this  day  our  daily  bread,  if  consist- 
ent with  the  Constitution;  but  be  sure.  O 
Lord,  give  us  white  bread  made  for  white 
men."  That  form,  I  think,  would  be  adap- 
ted to  the  creed  which  the  honorable  Sena- 
tor has  just  proposed. 

In  the  course  of  an  existence  as  long  as 
that  of  the  honorable  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky, there  is  hardly  a  phase  of  political 
life  that  he  has  not  seen.  I  was  forcibly 
impressed  with  that  in  his  allusion  to  IS'lO. 
Where,  then,  was  the  honorable  Senator's 
heart? 

Mr.  DA^^S.  Exactly  where  it  is  now,  for 
the  Union,  tho  Constitution,  and  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  law. 

Mr.  NYE.  I  recollect  very  distinctly  that 
very  year  hearing  the  distinguished  Senator 
denounce  the  Democracy  in  more  unmeas- 
ured terms  than  he  is  capable  of  denouncing 
the  Kepublicau  parly.  Ihey  had  beaten  his 
pet,  Mr.  Clay,  and  he  never  has  forgiven 
then),     lie  came  here  at  the  commencement 


of  this  rebellion  a  strong  Union  man  ;  and 
he  says  now  that  he  hugs  to  his  very  soul  a 
platform  that  disunionists  have  made.  I 
merely  suggest  these  things  to  show  that 
where  next  he  may  be  found,  the  Lord  only 
knows,  in  the  new  catechism  which  Ken- 
tucky may  put  forth. 

He  has  spoken  of  the  barbarities  of  some 
negco  chieftain,  whose  nami;  I  did  not  un- 
dcr<<tand,  of  wlmm  he  read.  And  yet  those 
barbarities  pale  into  insignificance  in  com- 
parison with  tiie  butchery  of  Eorresl  at  Fort 
rillow;  and  he  was  one  of  the  men  who 
made  the  platform  that  my  honorable  friend 
loves  BO  well.  Above  all  men  living,  the 
honorable  Senator  is  the  last  one,  if  he  can 
hug  such  a  thing  to  his  bosom,  to  be  shocked 
at  the  barbarities  of  barbarism,  untutored  as 
it  is. 

Mr.  President,  the  honorable  Senator  says 
that   tiie   Republican   party  will  die.     So  it 
will.    So  will  the  honorable  Senator  die.    So 
will  all  the  parties  he  has  belonged  to  die. 
Rut,  sir.  the  fruits  that  this  RepubHcan  party 
has  brought  forth  will  never  die.     They  have 
not  expended   their  strength,  like  the  hon- 
orable Senator,  in  trying  to  depress  a  race 
numbering  four  millions  in  our  midst.     They 
have  not  taxed   their  ingenuity  to  find  argu- 
ments by  which  they  could  make  the  bonds 
with  which   the  slaves  were   bound   strong. 
Their  boast  is,  and  will  be  when  the  honora- 
ble Senators  memory  will  be  forgotten,  that 
they  felt  for  those  who   were  in  bonds  as 
though   they   were   bound   with  them,    and 
broke  the  shackles  that  made  man  a  slave. 
Let  the  honorable  Senator  and  his  colleagues 
and  his  coadjutors  glorj-  in  their  oppression, 
and  glory  in  the  fact  thatthey  have  trampled 
the  oppressed  deeper  in  the  mire  of  oppres- 
sion where   they  found   them.     Uut.  sir,  let 
it  be  my  boast  and  the  boast  of  the  party  to 
which  1  belong,  that  there  is  not  a  man  so 
low  but  what  they  would  elevate  him  to  the 
pure,  highest  heavens  where  angels  dwell. 
Sir,  that  seems  to  me  to  be  more  in  accord- 
ance with   the  spirit  of  our  Master  ;  that  is 
more  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  repub- 
lican institutions:  and  that  sentiment  will 
grow.     Let  not  the  honorable  Senator  think 
that  that  sentiment  will  die.     No,  sir.  it  is 
now  having  its  second  birth  amid   the   trou- 
bles and  conflicts  and  toils  of  arms  and  civil 
strife.  . 

Sir.  I  witnessed  the  gathering  from  whicn 
salvation  is  to  come,  which  the  honorable 
Senatxir  perches  upon  and  proclaims  to  be 
his  roost  during  the  campaign.  I  witnessed 
this  organization.  I  looked  in  upon  it; 
What  did  I  sec?  I  wish  I  had  a  Hogarth's 
pencil  to  sketch  it,  or  words  in  which  I  could 
convey  the  faintest  idea  of  that  group  of 
indescribable  animals.  Who  was  there? 
Wade     Hampton  ;     and     at    the     mcatioii 


of  his  name  the  Democracy  shouted  by 
order.  'J'hat  is  what  they  call  '•fratornal 
love."  Who  else  was  there?  Rhctt,  of 
South  Carolina  ;  it  ought  to  bo  spelled  with 
a  ch.  Who  else  was  here?  Hammond,  who 
pronounced  the  people  ftf  the  color  of  my 
honorable  friend  *'  mudsills."  Oh,  what  a 
source  to  look  to  for  salvation  !  Who  else 
was  there?  Forrest,  the  butcher.  No 
milder  name  is  fit  to  use  as  descriptive  of 
him — a  man  who  coldly  murdered  by  order 
defenseless  men  who  stacked  their  arms  and 
surrendered.  Tell  me,  sir,  what  kind  of 
salvation  you  will  get  froiu  that  source? 
And  whore  were  they?  In  the  largest  city 
2pon  this  continent.  W^ith  whom  were  they 
associated?  With  men  of-the  North.  There 
sat  Forrest  and  Seymour,  the  latter  presid- 
ing over  the  deliberations,  as  they  were 
called,  at  this  convocation  of  unclean  things. 
Whose  voices  were  heard  first?  Men  whose 
hands  wore  red  •vvith  loyal  blood.  Oh,  the 
spirit  of  fraternity  there  exhibited  !  They 
always  agreed.  One  was  a  traitor  with  a 
sword,  and-  the  other  a  traitor  without  a 
sword ;  that  M-as  all  the  difference.  }5ut 
how  my  honorable  friend  from  Kentucky 
hii^s  their  progeny  !  A  sweet  thing  to  hug  ! 
May  your  embrace  belong  and  enduring! 

Mr.  President,  what  is  this  thing  that  the 
honorable  Senator  hugs  so  fondly  ?  A  green- 
back platform  with  an  anti-greenback  can- 
didate. 

Mr.  SHERMAN.     A  greyback. 

Mr.  NYE.     A  greyback  candidate. 

Mr.  SUMNER.     On  a  greyback  platform. 

Mr.  NYE.  That  is  what  I  say.  It  is  a 
platform  for  peace  and  a  general  for  lieuten- 
ant on  it,  second  in  command,  and  a  gen- 
eral who  was  nominated  by  rebels.  I  think, 
if  my  recollection  is  correct,  an  honorable 
gentleman  from  Kentucky  nominated  Frank 
Blair.  I  do  not  wonder  that  my  honorable 
friend  loves  the  platform.  It  is  a  platform 
whose  every  line  and  lineament  is  marked 
vyilh  repudiation.  Is  it  for  that  that  the  dis- 
tinguished Senator  hugs  it?  It  is  a  platform 
whose  every  line  is  a  fraud  and  almost  every 
word  a  lie  ;  a  platform  of  professions  in 
which  they  do  not  believe,  of  hope  to  the 
head  to  be  broken  to  the  heart.  That  is  the 
platform  on  wliich  my  honorable  friend  ex- 
pects to_  ride  into  that  happy  haven  where 
he  is  going  to  look  with  so  much  compla- 
cency, much  as  he  describes  Grant  looking 
upon  the  battle-fiold,  upon  the  destruction 
of  the  hosts  of  the  Republican  party. 
Perched  away  up  on  that  uncertain  roost  he 
is  going  to  have  his  vision  satisfied  by  look- 
ing upon  the  ruins  of  those  below.  In  1864 
I  read  a  speech  at  quite  a  distance  from 
here  in  which  the  honorable  Senator  was 
fillly  as  sanguine  in  expression  at  least  as 
now,  that  in  18G4  the  Republican  party  were 


to  be  demolished  ;  but  the  Republican  party 
survived  both  the  prediction  of  the  honora- 
ble Senator  and  the  power  of  his  opposition. 

Sir,  to  these  saviours  we  are  to  look. — 
These  are  the  men  to  whom  in  these  troub- 
lous times  ray  honorable  friend  from  Ken- 
tucky and  those  who  act  with  him  turn  f()r' 
protection.  Who  are  they?  Men  who  are 
yet  counting  the  notches  upon  their  swords 
that  they  wore  gallantly  by  iheir  sides  for 
four  or  five  years  in  an  earnest,  terrible 
struggle  to  overthrow  this  country.  They  are 
the  saviours  now  who  are  going  to  uphold 
them  !  How  are  they  going  to  uphold  them? 
By  overturning  all  that  has  been  done  to 
build  up  the  wi.sto  places  they  made.  When 
a  man  is  sick  he  seeks  a  physician  the  most 
skillful  he  can  find.  When  a  nation  is  troub- 
led the  peojile  seeks  the  friends  of  the  na- 
tion to  uphold  it.  They  feel  its  pulsations. 
They  want  men  loyal  to  the  country,  loyal  to 
our  institutions.  There  is  where  I  look  for 
help,  for  aid  in  this  struggle.  But  my  hon- 
orable friend  and  the  Democratic  host  with 
which  he  is  surrounded  look  to  the  rebels. 
They  will  give  you  such  protection  as  \m\- 
tures  give  to  lambs.  Th(?y  will  give  you  the 
protection  that  Forrest  gave  at  Fort  Pillow, 
and  the  thousand  bloody  fields  upon  which 
we  met.  What,  sir,  trust  a  man  with  a  bal- 
lot to  uphold  this  country  who  has  been  for 
five  years  with  the  bullet  trying  to  overthrow 
it !  It  is  an  insult  to  the  intelligence  of  the 
world  ;  and  I  assure  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Kentucky  the  world  will  not  swallow 
the  hook  as  greedily  as  he  has,  nor  hug  a 
platform  so  full  of  dead  men's  bones. 

Mr.  President,  on  earth  or  in  heaven  I 
would  rather  be  found  by  the  side  of  the 
blackest  man  in  the  country  than  with  For- 
rest. How  will  stand  the  account  of  the 
loyal  black  man  that  has  been  led  by  the  un- 
certain glimpses  of  his  vision  to  follow  that 
flag  which  had  heretofore  only  been  a  sym- 
bol of  oppression  to  him,  and  followed  it 
faithfully  to  the  end;  how  will  his  account 
stand  in  the  day  of  judgment  with  the  God 
who  loves  liberty  and  of  whom  liberty  wag 
born,  beside  the  man  who  did  all  in  his 
power  to  tear  down  the  fairest  fabric  that 
liberty  ever  reared?  and  such  is  Forrest  ; 
such  is  Wade  Hampton ;  such  is  all  the 
Democratic  party  in  the  Southern  States. 
There  are  not  enough  men  in  the  Democratic 
party  in  the  Southern  States  who  were  not 
rebels  to  count  as  "'scattering;"  and  there- 
fore 1  shall  not  hereafter  in  what  I  have  to 
say  of  them  draw  any  distinction. 

I  want  this  resolution  introduced  by  the 
honorable  Senator  from  Vermont  to  guard 
against  the  very  catastrophe  that  the  honor- 
able Senator  from  Kentucky  threatens  U3 
with.  Sir,  is  Congress  to  inquire,  and  who 
is  to  keep  register  whether  the  votes  cast  for 


7e 


(Icnerul  Grant  are  cast  by  colored  men  or 
white  mciiV  Who  is  goin-  to  see  in  the 
books  when  the  ballot  is  deposited,  winch 
class  of  men  it  was  who  deposited  xt?  Arc 
the  honorable  Senators  and  his  confreres 
goin"  to  have  censors  upon  the  box?  Arc 
thcyl'oin"  to  stamp  the  ballot  of  the  white 
man  and  not  stamji  the  Udlot  of  the  bUvk 
man?  If  not.  what  docs  the  honorable 
Senator  mean  when  he  defiantly  tells  us  that 
no  matter  what  Congress  may  do,  the  vote 
that  tlie  whito  man  casts  will  bo  the  vote  that 
is  counted.  Sir,  I  repudiate  all  such  non- 
sense as  that,  as  it  appears  to  me  to  be. 

But,  sir,  iJie  honorable  Senator  has  spo- 
ken verv  confidently  of  what  the  Democracy 
are  going  to  do-  1  want  to  mention  to  the 
honorabte  Senator  one  or  two  things  which 
the  Republicans  have  done  that  will  stay 
done.  We  have  given  the  loyal  men  of  the 
Southern  States  the  ballot.  Now,  take  it 
away,  if  you  can,  and  show  us  the  process 
by  which  you  will  do  it.  Let  us  see  w^liat 
you  will  do  it  with.  They  have  availed 
themselves  ot  that  ballot.  They  have  do- 
posited  it;  they  have  put  on  the  garment  of 
citizenship,  and  I  challenge  the  Democracy 
to  touch  one  thread  of  that  garment.  It  is 
stainped,  it  is  scaled  with  the  in«ignia  of 
freedom,  and  I  charge  you  lay  not  your 
hands  upon  it.  Sir,  it  is  the  decree  of  a 
mighty  people  as  irrevocable  as  the  decree 
of  God,  and  the  honorable  Senator  may  sat- 
isfy himself  on  that  point.  And  the  honor- 
able Senator  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Bcck- 
ALEw]  last  night  seemed  to  bo  waiting  for 
the  voice  of  the  people.  Sir,  you  have  had 
it  twice;  and  the  same  voice  that  emanated 
from  heaven  is  echoed  back  by  man,  Vox 
populi  vox  Dei.  Touch  not  that  seal ;  it  is 
the  freeman's  power.  I  defy  you  to  take  it 
from  him.  Attempt  that  and  bloodier 
scenes  will  be  re-enacted  upon  the  alread}"^ 
fresh  bloody  lields.  Sir,  men  fight  for  free- 
dom. They  will  not  lay  it  down.  They 
have  fought  for  freedom  npon  the  battle- 
field ;  they  won  their  quitclaim  to  liberty  ; 
they  have  got  it ;  and  let  not  the  Democratic 
party  dream  of  taking  it  away.  And  yet, 
sir,  the  honorable  Senator,  or  those  who  act 
with  him,  find  no  sort  of  awakening,  enliven- 
ing sentiment  from  this  great  fact,  but  the 
contrary. 

Sir,  there  has  not  been  a  transaction  on 
earth  since  the  crucifixion  that  thrilled  the 
world  with  such  ecstatic  joy  as  when  the 
last  shackle  of  the  slave  was  broken  and  fell 
at  his  feet.  Music  never  reached  its  perfec- 
tion until  they  sang  the  song  of  univer.sal 
freedom;  and  if  I  was  at  all  accustomed  to 
deal  in  fancy  I  could  fancy  now  ihai  I  hoar 
the  angel  chorus  catching  up  the  sound 
'•Peace  on  earth  and  good  will  to  man  ;  the 
last  slave  is   free:  liberty   is   iriumi-iiant." 


But  over  this  my  Democratic  friends  feel  no 
jubilee.  It  is  a  source  of  mourning  to  them. 
Weep  on,  weep  on;  the  seal  is  set;  llio 
Democratic  party  will  never  again  have  pow- 
isr  in  this  nation  until  it  changes  its  princi- 
[ilis,  until  it  ceases  to  be  oppressive  and 
Iciiriis  to  glory  in  freedom. 

I  am  strengthened  in  this  conviction  by  the 
l)roceedings  of  the  last  Democratic  Conven- 
tion. Whoever  s.-wv  two  such  elements  of 
weakness  combined  ?  If  there  was  any  folly 
in  the  Republican  party,  the  wisdom  of  God 
has  come  in.  Who  could  have  conceived 
that  two  such  men  would  have  been  born  of 
that  Democratic  Convention.  Blair,  (to  be- 
gin with  the  last  and  inostunimportant  first, ) 
who,  as  restless  as  tlie  spirit  that  fomented 
rebellion  in  heaven,  who  acknowledges  no 
discijiline  to  man  or  law,  "a  l.iw  unto  him- 
self;"' who  throws  on  defiantly  to  such  patri- 
ots as  Hampton  and  Forrest  that  the  only 
way  to  put  these  States  into  their  original 
status  is  for  the  President  to  take  the  helm 
and  drive  this  Senate  out.  No  wonder  that 
it  woke  an  echo  in  Wade  Hampton's  bosom 
and  in  Forrest's  and  in  Hammond's  ;  it  was 
the  old  signal  for  rebellion  again.  They 
were  going  to  get  a  Blair  to  lead  them  in  that 
rebellion.  The  world  knows  that  the  health 
of  the  gentleman  they  have  nominated  for 
President  is  very  precarious.  an<l  he  refused, 
as  many  times  as  Ctesar  did  tlie  crown,  to 
tike  it  on  account  of  his  health.  "J'hey  have 
put  forv.-aad  this  ticket  in  point  of  physical 
strength  like  the  hyena,  the  strength  in  the 
hind  legs  to  endure  disease,  its  weak  man 
ahead  to  be  shoved  of  as  Lincoln  was,  or  in 
some  other  way,  and  then  they  will  have  got 
not  only  old  rebels,  but  a  new  one  with  the 
whole  machinery  of  government.  It  is  well 
planned,  and  no  wonder  it  awoke  echoes  of 
ecstacy  in  Forrest's  and  Hampton's  bosom 
when  they  hoard  the  name  of  Blair  and  his 
letter:  and  that  is  the  platform  and  that  the 
candidate  that  my  friend  from  Kentucky 
loves  so  well. 

Sir  who  is  nominated  for  President?  A 
man  that  1  have  known  all  my  life  ;  and  a 
gentlemanly  man  he  is  undoubtedly,  but  no 
uusounder  man,  politically,  walks  than  he.  I 
listened  last  night  to  a  little  running  debate 
between  my  colleague  and  my  honored  t'ricnd 
from  Pennsylvania,  in  which  the  latter  bore 
testimony  to  the  patriotism^  and  fidelity  of 
the  then  Governor  of  New  York.  I  took  oc- 
casion to  reread  last  night  the  speech  made 
by  that  distinguished  goulleman  on  the  4th 
of  July ,  18G3,  just  tcndays  before  the  bloodiest 
riot  in  the  world.  It  was  a  terrible  day,  that 
4tli  of  .Inly,  for  the  rebels  ;  there  came  up  a 
wail  of  woe  from  the  rebels  at  Vicksburg  and 
at  Gettysburg. 

On  that  day,  after  a  draft  had  been  ordered 
by  the  President  of  the  United  Sutes  to  fill 


8 


up  the  ranks,  the  head  of  this  ticket  was  ad- 
dressing a  Democratic  meoVing  in  a,  hall  in 
the  city  of  New  York,  and  he  said  that  the 
law  of  necessity  was  never  to  be  invoked  by 
a  nation,  and  said,  not  in  the  precise  words, 
and  they  are  here,  that  the  mob  could  in- 
voke the  law  of  necessity  as  well  as  a  nation. 
Sir,  quick  as  the  lightning's  flash  and  as 
electric  in  its  influence  the  mob  did  arise, 
caught. up  the  idea  that  had  been  slumbering, 
touched  the  torch  which  ingulfed  a  city  in 
blood,  and  fatal  wore  the  consequences  of 
that  riot.  I  think  eleven  thousand — I  am 
not  quite  certain  as  to  the  number — troops 
had  to  be  taken  from  the  army  of  the  Poto- 
mac; a  large  number  of  troops  had  to  be 
taken  to  the  city  of  New  York,  the  chief 
magistrate  of  which  State  is  now  at  the  head 
of  ihe  Democratic  ticket,  to  do  what?  To 
keep  peace  in  that  city  and  to  enforce  the 
drafting  of  men  and  to  put  down  the  spirit 
of  rebellion  which  was  as  rife  there  as  at 
Charleston.  The  world  will  not  forget  the 
correspondence  between  Governor  Seymour 
and  General  Di.x,  and  I  remember  how  my 
blood  jumped  a  little  quicker,  old  as  I  am, 
when  the  General  informed  the  Governor  at 
a  certain  time  that  he  had  troops  enough 
there  then  to  preserve  the  city  and  take  care 
of  him,  too.  Oh,  such  a  patriot!  Sir,  if  you 
look  for  salvation  from  that  mob  engendared 
by  him  go  look  at  the  ashes  of  the  colored 
orphan  asylum  in  New  York.  "Would  it  have 
done  the  heart  of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky 
good  to  have  seen  demons  in  human  shape 
beating  out  the  brains  of  black  infancy? 
Loolc  at  the  lurid  light  of  tlie  hospital  reared 
by  the  best  charity  in  the  world.  Look  at  the 
murder  of  O'Brien  who  was  brutally  hanged 
and  his  form  mutilated  worse  than  would 
have  been  done  by  the  barbarians  whom  the 
honorable  Senator  described  this  morning. 
This  Governor  addressed  these  bloody-hand- 
ed scoundrels,  and  called  them  "friends." 
They  were  his  friends;  they  are  to-day;  it  is 
no  misnomer.  They  caught  up  the  torch 
which  he  lighted;  they  had  performed  the 
work;  he  was  congratulating  them  upon  it, 
and  he  addressed  them  as  "friends."  They 
received  him  as  such.     lie  is. 

Sir,  I  want  the  rule  proposed  by  this  joint 
resolution  prescribed  by  legislation.  I  want 
no  more  trouble  in  this  matter.  We  have 
wooed  these  States  as  a  mother  wooes  her 
first-born.  We  have  given  them  milk  in  their 
weakness  and  meat  in  their  strength.  We 
have  invited  them  back  time  after  time  to 
the  mansion  where  there  is  bread  enough 
and  to  spare,  but  they  would  not  come. 
Now,  sir,  I  do  net  propose  that  they  shall 
come  under  the  fiery  or  erratic  lead  of  Blair 
or  Seymour,  and  break  into  the  mansion, 


the  door  of  which  they  have  heretofore  re- 
fused to  enter.  To  do  that  they  shall,  at 
least  HO  far  as  my  vote  is  concerned,  breai 
over  the  forms  of  law. 

Mr.  President,  indulge  me  in  a  word  more. 
It  is  .said  that  in  Union  there  is  strength.  We 
have  a  platform  made  with  entire  unanimity. 
But  recently,  for  four  or  five  sweltering  hot 
days  in  the  city  of  New  York,  in  that  new- 
born Babel  of  Tammany,  did  hundreds  of 
Democrats  sweat,  voting  tor  this  man  and 
that  man,  with  no  result,  and  all  the  time 
there  was  a  deep  laid  plan,  which  the  mass 
of  them  did  not  comprehend,  to  get  the  very 
man  they  have  got.  I  cannot  help  contrast- 
ing in  my  mind  that  Convention  with  the  one 
at  Chicago.  The  Convention  at  Chicago  had 
just  twice  as  many  delegates  as  tlie  one  at 
New  York.  'J'he  first  thing  done  there  was 
to  make  a  platform  on  which  they  all  agreed, 
and  the  next  thing  was  to  nominate  a  Presi- 
dent, and  each  State  was  called  and  each 
State  answered  until  six  hundred  and  three 
delegates  had  spoken,  and  every  vote  was  for 
one  man  right  off,  without  any  caucus,  with- 
out any  consultation.  They  looked  to  him  as 
the  child  looks  to  its  father  for  protection. 
They  remembered  the  thousand  victories  to 
which  he  had  led  them,  and  their  eyes  as  in- 
voluntary turned  upon  him  as  a  leader  in  the 
civil  strife  as  in  the  strife  of  arras.  To  me 
that  was  a  noble  and  inspiring  sight.  Let 
not  the  honorable  Senator  from  Kentucky 
believe  that  such  unity  of  sentiment  is  to  be 
overborne  by  this  fragmentary  party  called 
Democratic. 

Let  me  refer  to  another  difference.  We 
havg  a  warrior  at  the  head  and  a  man  of 
peace  emphatically  as  the  second  nominee, 
a  man  whose  name  is  written  as  firmly  and 
as  boldly  on  the  civil  page  of  his  country's 
history  as  Geneeal  Grant's  is  on  the  military 
page.  AVhen  Grant  was  leading  our  armies 
against  the  hosts  of  rebellion  it  was  prophe- 
sied that  Lee  would  never  surrender.  Now, 
the  Senator  from  Kentucky,  bolder,  braver, 
and  less  considerate  than  Lee,  says  that  this 
platform  with  its  backers  will  never  surren- 
der. Let  liim  that  casteth  oil'  hi?  armor 
boast ;  not  he  that  putteth  it  on.  Sir,  there 
will  not  be  enough  of  it  for  formal  surrender- 
They  will  be  suffered  to  go  home  without 
terms.  Their  arms  are  worthless,  for  they 
are  the  arms  of  error  ;  their  weapons  are 
powerless,  l^ecause  they  are  untruthful.  No, 
sir  ;  my  gallant  friend  from  Kentucky  will 
have  to  seek  atliliation  with  another  party 
before  he  gels  in  a  majority.  He  will  have 
to  join  the  army  of  progress  and  freedom, 
hitching  to  no  snub-post  of  the  past,  but 
marching  on  to  that  haven  of  destiny  of  man 
where  all  men  shall  bo  equal  before  the  law. 


PBI.VTED  AT  THE  GREAT  UEPUBLIC  OFFICE,  AYASaiNOTON,  D.  C.